Is the RFK assassination a closed case
The Kennedy puzzle
The alleged "transcript" of a joint murder plan by Oswald and Ruby does not enrich the current state of research, but it awakens the ghosts of the past
Recently, previously unknown evidence relating to the assassination attempt on John F. Kennedy, which had appeared in a vault in the Dallas courtroom after almost 45 years, caused a sensation. In addition to personal items belonging to Lee Harvey Oswald and his murderer Jack Ruby, not only a holster but also a possible “smoking gun” appeared: a transcript of an alleged conversation between Oswald and Ruby, in which both discussed the murder of President John F. Kennedy should have. Questionable evidence of a connection between the two key figures - which has long been proven.
As if the presidential murder hadn't been enigmatic enough on its own, Jack Ruby shot dead suspect Lee Harvey Oswald shortly afterwards. To this day there is speculation about the motives of Oswald and Ruby for the acts they are accused of. As for the ominous transcript that has emerged, practically all commentators consider it a forgery or fiction. Most likely, the alleged "transcript" is nothing more mundane than a draft of a script for a semi-documentary film for which a contract with Henry Wade, then Dallas District Attorney, was found in the same vault. Forgeries in connection with the Kennedy assassination would not be anything new and sometimes come from an unexpected source.
"Oswald's" letter from the KGB
The Soviet secret service KGB - and probably following him - Khrushchev - believed the leading oil magnates and right-wing communist paranoiacs Clinton Murchison and Haroldson L. Hunt (not to be confused with the secret service agent Ethan Howard Hunt) to be the masterminds of the assassination. Hunt's son Nelson Bunker Hunt had placed an aggressive ad on the occasion of Kennedy's visit to the stronghold of the American right-wing, in which the president was being drawn for high treason. Ruby had also been seen at Bunker Hunt the day before. In view of the security measures, Moscow Radio doubted that a single fanatic could have killed Kennedy, and suspected that the far-right presidential candidate Barry Goldwater was behind a coup.
A KGB report mentioned a journalist for the "Baltimore Sun" who, in a private conversation, said Ruby had offered Oswald money for the murder on behalf of a group of Texan industrialists led by Hunt. Oswald was uncomfortable with the KGB, as it could discredit the communists because of his years in the Soviet Union and his actions in the communist environment in the USA.
The KGB benevolently followed the activities of tenacious attorney Mark Lane, who valiantly secured evidence in Dallas and railed against the mainstream press in daily speeches. Without his knowledge, the KGB Lanes supported publishers in the background. In the 1970s, the KGB covertly sponsored conspiracy theorists such as the German Joachim Joesten, who saw Oswald as “an agent provocateur of the FBI with a CIA background”. A disproportionately larger share in the spread of doubts about the Oswald thesis, however, is probably due to the suspicious secrecy of the US authorities.
After the Watergate scandal, the KGB decided in 1975 to help the “truth” by bringing Nixon's henchman, ex-CIA man Ethan Howard Hunt, into connection with the Kennedy murder. To this end, the KGB forged a letter apparently from Oswald and launched photocopies for leading conspiracy theorists. The letter convinced Oswald's widow as well as three graphologists, but did not reach the public until 1977. Howard Hunt defended himself against the allegations in court, but was unable to convince the doubters. On his deathbed, however, Hunt knew of explosive details of a plot.
Huismann's "secret dossier"
In 2006, the award-winning documentary filmmaker Wilfried Huismann presented an allegedly "explosive" document in his controversial "Rendezvous with Death": On official White House stationery "exclusively for Kennedy's successor Johnson", his confidante Martin Underwood seemed to have reported about it, Fabian Escalante Secret agent Castros, left Dallas in a small plane to Mexico after the assassination attempt. Underwood later admitted, however, that he wrote the "Report for Johnson" only 20 years after his death, which in reality served as an idea sketch for a book author whom Huismann made the co-author of his production.
Ruby, Oswald and the Mafia
The dubious transcript that has now been found seemed to prove a personal acquaintance between Oswald and his murderer. The storm in the water glass was used by some as an opportunity to pay homage to the easy-going single-perpetrator theory and to refer a contact between Ruby and Oswald to the realm of fables and annoying conspiracy theories. But the suspicion of such a connection has been supported by numerous eyewitnesses for decades. In order to understand the context, it takes some knowledge of some of the low-profile organizations Oswald and Ruby dealt with: The Mafia, the Secret Services, and American Right.
As early as the 19th century, links between crime, corruption and the legal economy had become established in major American cities. Finally, during Prohibition, the clans met the immense demand for alcohol and thus developed into increasingly professional and influential organizations locally, which, however, had previously operated independently of one another in a decentralized manner. After Organized Crime lost its main source of income due to the re-exposure of alcohol, it discovered gambling as a lucrative business. The organizations began to cooperate nationwide, on the one hand dividing turfs to avoid unproductive rivalries, and on the other hand carrying out joint ventures such as drug imports and money laundering, for example by setting up casinos in Cuba and Las Vegas.
The existence of the secret North American gangster cartel, the "Commissione", had long been dismissed as a mere conspiracy theory, but came into the public eye in 1950 when the future presidential candidate Estes Kefauver made a name for himself through a Senate committee investigating gambling. The hearings held in numerous cities remained largely inconclusive, not least because important witnesses such as the talkative gangster Willie Moretti were shot before they testified. In contrast, the seedy J. Egdar Hoover, director of the Federal Police FBI, vehemently denied the existence of organized crime throughout his life. Otherwise, he would not only have to admit the inability of his authority in this regard: Hoover had come to terms with the mob because on the one hand they blackmailed him with piquant details from his private life, but on the other hand kept him happy with various favors. Other shadow men also found it difficult to deal with the topic, as the secret services had discreetly cooperated with high-ranking Mafiosi during the Second World War, who had helped with the invasion of Italy and had a not insignificant influence on post-war Italy politics in favor of the USA.
One of the gangsters who did not appear at the Kefauver Committee at the time, but had to go to the related House UnAmerican Activities Committee, was a former Chicago union secretary and now a Dallas bar owner - Jacob Rubinstein, known as Jack Leon Ruby. Dallas, which Al Capone and his successor Sam Giancana had previously sought, had belonged to the southern mafia territory since 1946. The staff taken over by the Chicago partners also included the nightclub owner Ruby, whose strip bars were mainly used by members of the Dallas police, who were corrupt at all levels. Ruby himself was fascinated by police work and cultivated such close friendships with numerous police officers that the main area had become his second home. Although the non-Italian had only limited opportunities for advancement in the Italian-dominated clans in Chicago and the southern states, he was entrusted with special missions in the organization. At the instigation of the then MP Richard Nixon, the gangster was spared a public hearing, allegedly because he was his informant.
In 1957, police in Appalachin, near New York, held a secret Syndicate summit that made headlines over 60 bosses from Mafia families and corrupt unions from across North America. Thereupon a new committee of inquiry under John McClellan offered politicians the chance to raise their profile against an alleged infiltration of the USA. Senator Joseph McCarthy, who had recommended himself to conservative voters as a strong man through his committee against “un-American activities”, had achieved something similar shortly before. This time, instead of the communists, organized crime was identified as the overwhelming enemy of the state, which was labeled “Italian”, although Italian-American gangster gangs only made up part of the families organized according to ethnic origin and the shadow economy conspired with legal structures such as police and politics. The McClellan Committee was now primarily targeting the Teamster unions, which had been infiltrated by organized crime. At the hearings of the mafia bosses, which were broadcast nationwide on television, the far-right later presidential candidate Barry Goldwater also got involved in two up-and-coming sons of a right-wing billionaire named Kennedy.
Clan chief Joe Kennedy
The campaign of the brothers John F. and Robert F. Kennedy against organized crime was deeply displeasing to the clan chief Joseph P. Kennedy, who himself was very experienced in matters of corruption and who owed a large part of his fortune to the Italian mafia. His father, Joseph P. J. Kennedy, had already been in politics and alcohol. Now "Joe" Kennedy, who also worked in the defense industry, had moved the alcohol business underground during Prohibition. It was not until the 1980s that New York gangster Frank Costello, known by the press as the “Prime Minister of the Underworld”, admitted that there had been a direct cooperation between him and Joe Kennedy in the 1920s. After the alcohol ban was lifted, the two fought fierce competition in the now legalized liquor wholesaling in the 1930s, which finally ended with Costello's expulsion from New York in order to put a stop to his corruption by the police.
Joe Kennedy had also increased his fortune through windy stock market transactions, which not least resulted in "Black Friday", and also invested in the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, with the schemer also striving for the presidency in the long term. As Joe's commitment to Nazi Germany meant that a further political career was out of the question, the businessman, rarely choosy in his methods, did everything in his power to make one of his sons president.
Joe Kennedy, who owned the tallest building in Chicago, Merchandise Mart, arranged a meeting with Al Capone's successor, Sam Giancana, whom he asked for support for his son John F. Kennedy's campaign. To what extent Joe, who is already extremely secretive, has ever told his sons about this or other dealings with the Mafia is unknown.
In 1959, Robert Kennedy, who was just 33 years old, as chief legal advisor to the McClellan Committee, personally interrogated many mafia bosses in front of the television cameras, who refused to answer any questions because they could incriminate themselves as a result. In addition to Mafia greats like Giancana of all people, Robert first met Carlos Marcello, the godfather of New Orleans, for the first time. The serene Mafia boss made Robert Kennedy look like a schoolboy and refused to answer all of Kennedy's nearly 50 questions. When Marcello also refused to answer the question about his tax honesty, irritable committee members accused him of claiming American rights and funds, even though Marcello had not even applied for citizenship, and recommended that he pack his bags. Marcello left the courtroom unimpressed.
In his book "The Enemy Within," Robert called for organized criminals to be fought with weapons and methods as effective as their own. Two years later, Robert would have the opportunity to raise the question of Marcello's citizenship again and make it serious with his announcement of dirty methods - as the new United States attorney general.
Marcello's southern mafia
Carlos Marcello, actually Calogero Minacore, was born in Tunisia in 1910 to Sicilian parents. In the same year, the mother followed her husband to Louisiana, where "Carlos", however, fatally did not receive American citizenship. During an economic crisis at the end of the 19th century, many Italians, especially Sicilians, emigrated to the south coast of the USA, which was climatically similar to their homeland, some of whom had imported the organized crime structures that were then established in Sicily. In any case, the clocks went differently in the sunny Francophile state. Even as a petty criminal, Marcello had enjoyed the protection of a legal henchman of the corrupt governor. As a young gang leader, he entered into a cooperation with Frank Costello, who was driven out of New York, with whom he raised a slot machine empire and luxurious casinos. After the previous godfather of the southern mafia was expelled to Sicily because of a citizenship problem, Marcello was able to maneuver himself to the head of America's oldest Italian-American mafia family, which according to the code was entitled to chair the nationwide syndicate. Many police officers earned more than just extra income as security personnel in Marcello's casinos.
The relations of Louisiana's most important entrepreneur to politics ran like clockwork: Marcello's long payroll also included the name of the senator from the neighboring state of Texas, Lyndon B. Johnson. Despite many corpses found in the swamp of the property on which Marcello had his headquarters at the time, he was never charged with murder. The New Orleans prosecutor's reluctance was an open secret - prosecutors didn't want to end up in swamps either. At the exit from Marcello's office, a sign instructed his guests: "Three can keep a secret when two are dead."
John F. Kennedy's choice
It was not until the 1990s that the singer and casino entrepreneur Frank Sinatra also admitted to having campaigned with Giancana in the mob for a partnership with the Kennedys. Sinatra had also personally campaigned for the Catholic Kennedy by campaigning among the Italian-American voters. Ironically, the corrupt Teamster unions that Robert had attacked and that had a strong influence on the voting behavior of their members at the time, brought their people on the Kennedy course. In at least five states, the mob even rigged the ballot boxes, resulting in astonishing counting errors and other irregularities. The Chicago mob gave the Kennedys a wafer-thin majority, especially in Illinois, which, due to the peculiarities of the complex American electoral system, had been decisive for the victory. Although there were convictions of Democratic party soldiers, opponent Richard Nixon did not want to appear as a bad loser and generously refrained from challenging the election.
Shortly before the election date, the Kennedy brothers had completely surprisingly exchanged their candidate for the vice presidency for Lyndon B. Johnson from Texan, with whom they actually had a mutual hatred. The explanation for the more than unusual change in mood was often suspected in the personal friendship between Johnson and his friend and neighbor, who lived in Washington for 30 years in the house across the street: the right-wing FBI chief Hoover, who also hated the Kennedys and was about to be blackmailed Has information on numerous Kennedy affairs. Johnson's lover Madeleine Duncan Brown reported that a deal to this effect had been negotiated between Joe Kennedy and Texas oil millionaires H. L. Hunt, Clinton Murchison and Sid Richardson.
The state and the allegedly non-existent mafia meanwhile faced a new common opponent: In Cuba, revolutionary Fidel Castro first expelled the US-friendly dictator Fulgencio Batista, who had pocketed half of the state's income and neglected the infrastructure.When Castro later nationalized US companies and closed the casinos, the mafiosi not only lost their Caribbean money laundering facilities, but also their most important trading center for drug shipments. Quite a few Cubans fled Castro's revolution to Florida and Louisiana, where local bosses Marcello and Santos Trafficante jr. were supported with donations and jobs. Trafficante had previously run the business in Cuba and was freed by a mafia negotiator after his imprisonment by Castro: Jack Ruby.
It was also the Mafiosi Trafficante, Sam Giancana and Johnny Roselli who were already pondering the assassination attempts on Castro with CIA people at that time. As is known, these plans were later approved by the Kennedys. It is not clear whether Robert’s intimate enemy Marcello was also in on the act, but it is unlikely - otherwise he could have blackmailed the government with it, which he should soon find an existential reason for. With the help of the generous mafia and many Cuban exiles who were already entangled with it, the CIA prepared an invasion of Cuba in training camps on the south coast and in Guatemala, which was to appear as a counter-revolution. The plans inherited from the Eisenhower administration were approved by the Kennedys and resulted in the Bay of Pigs fiasco, then in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Kennedy opposed the military's plans for invasion, seeking revenge, and for whom the ends of each did not justify a means. But the Kennedy government also approved sabotage attacks known as Operation Mongoose in 1961 to destabilize Cuba.
Whatever Joe Kennedy, often referred to as a "cardsharp", may have promised the honorable society, it did not prevent Attorney General Robert from increasing the efforts of the authorities sevenfold and secretly running the deportation proceedings against Marcello. He had found out that Marcello had had a Guatemalan birth certificate forged at the time so that he could withdraw to the vicinity of Louisiana in the event of problems, instead of being sent to distant Sicily like his predecessor. The mafioso's lawyer was the shrewd Jack Wasserman - formerly head of the immigration authorities himself. Against his better judgment, Robert Kennedy had the forgery treated as a real birth certificate, which enabled him to force Guatemala to accept Marcello. Marcello, who visited the immigration authorities every three months to extend his visa, was arrested there in April 1961, escorted to the airport without a word, and flown straight to Guatemala by a waiting plane without being allowed to call or even have the slightest emergency baggage . In Guatemala, he spent several weeks in the company of his lawyer who had traveled afterwards. After some back and forth, both were taken to Honduras by a military convoy, where they were abandoned on a road in the jungle. After two days of walking, the involuntary tourists came across Indian scouts, who later feared an attack. On the run from them, the stocky Marcello broke several ribs. He entered the United States illegally under unclear circumstances. There is much to suggest that the two of them made their way to the Dominican Republic, where clan chief Rafael Trujillo was an important trading partner of Mafia colleague Trafficante from Miami. Marcello's timing could hardly have been better, because almost at the same time Trujillo was killed in a CIA-attributed operation.
The hatred that Marcello felt against Attorney General Kennedy as a result of his deportation is described by observers as limitless. The name "Kennedy" alone caused outbursts of anger in the mafia boss, who swore in Sicilian. Nevertheless, Marcello tried to put Robert mildly through their mutual friend Frank Sinatra, which, however, had the opposite effect. Conversely, Robert also appeared to his employees as obsessed with Marcello. The family mafia boss lost his appeal against his deportation order and has now also been charged with the forged birth certificate.
Over the whiskey, Marcello had told a business partner by the name of Edward Becker with a serious expression how he intended to solve the problem with Robert Kennedy the Sicilian way: a dog will continue to bite you if you only cut its tail off. Instead, you have to chop off his head. If Robert were murdered, the president would undoubtedly act with even greater severity against him or Robert’s list of union boss Jimmy Hoffa. In the case of the president's assassination, however, his successor would be the Texan Lyndon B. Johnson, who also hated the Kennedys and from whom Marcello has nothing to fear (because he has always smeared him). A weirdo who would not be associated with the mafia should hold out his head for the murder.
Florida boss Trafficante also seemed to have known about the murder plans, because he had announced to a business partner who had been an undercover FBI informant that Kennedy would not live to see the upcoming election. Marcello's tirades of hate against the Kennedys got around, but he was hardly the only one, especially in the southern states, who wished the Irish dead. The American right saw the Kennedys as too soft against communism. The brothers had even had the nerve to bring the FBI against the Ku Klux Klan against Hoover's will. Members of the Klan included the Texan oil barons, who were unhappy with Kennedy's plans to drastically change tax law to their disadvantage. Marcello in particular was known as a generous donor to the clan.
Mafia in distress
The number of trials and convictions against the Mafia had multiplied within just two years of the Kennedys taking office. The pressure on the bosses exceeded all expectations. The Kennedys achieved a decisive blow when the high-ranking mafioso Joe Valachi from the Genovese clan unpacked the McClellan Committee, which was still in session, disclosed the internals of the New York families, for example, and coined the previously unknown term "Cosa Nostra". Valachi had nothing to report about the southern mafia - without Marcello's permission not a single Genovese mafia would have been allowed to enter Louisiana. As the FBI had to state, New Orleans and Dallas were the only remaining cities in which it was unable to penetrate the organizations through undercover agents or wiretapping technology.
Jimmy Hoffa, whom Robert Kennedy had also cornered, expressed his gratitude for Marcello and Trafficante to gangster Frank Ragano after the assassination attempt. Marcello also let Ragano know that Hoffa owed him a lot.
Against the mafia theory, the objection is that the implementation is completely untypical for the mafia, for example by Oliver Stone, who in his not undisputed film “JFK” suspects the military-industrial complex and Johnson as the mastermind. Mafia murders are usually carried out primitively and from close range, while the Kennedy assassination bears the signature of the military. But Marcello had a highly intelligent ally who had the skills necessary to plan such a maneuver and who also hated the Kennedys profoundly.
The in every respect bizarre paramilitary David Ferrie had a career as a daredevil war pilot, bishop of an old Catholic sect and psychologist, along with a doctorate, when he was hired as a private detective by Marcello's lawyer in New Orleans, G. Wray Gill in 1963, to help him in to contribute to the ongoing Marcello process. He also worked for the private detective Guy Banister, who also worked for Marcello, a right-wing ex-FBI man. Ferrie had been involved in the paramilitary organization “Cuban Revolutionary Front”, financed by Marcello, against Castro and publicly railed against the Kennedys, whom he called “treason” for failing to provide air support in the Bay of Pigs invasion.
The intriguing godfather made friends with the highly gifted Ferrie, although the two men could hardly have been more different. During the week-long criminal trial for conspiracy and perjury against Marcello in New Orleans, the conservative Catholic mafia boss spent the weekends with the hysteric, convicted of all homosexual crimes - allegedly to discuss the trial tactics together, although that is the job of his lawyers like Gill and the front changer Jack Wasserman would have been. It is also unclear what Ferrie could have done for Marcello these days on his discreet trips to Guatemala. In any case, Ferrie had been rid of his chronic wealth troubles since he met the Mafioso.
On November 22nd, 1963 the jury was sworn in after exhausting weeks of trials. For the first time, Ferrie was absent from the courtroom as a spectator. In the afternoon it was announced during the trial that the president had been shot at. The trial ended in acquittal: at least one juror had held up his hand while an important witness suddenly lost his memory. When Robert Kennedy found out about the attack, he was paralyzed. At that moment his campaign against the Mafia ended - as Marcello had predicted.
Lee Harvey Oswald
The foreign intelligence service CIA immediately suspected the political opponents of the Soviet Union and Cuba, even though the pragmatic Castro could hardly have had a motive to risk World War III just to replace the moderate Kennedy with his deputy Johnson, the candidate of the American right-wing from the southern states. However, the Dallas police were able to come up with an alleged communist madman named Lee Harvey Oswald, who single-handedly shot the president.
Regardless of whether one adheres to the single perpetrator theory, or follows the crossfire theory based on several perpetrators, the evidence for any perpetration of Oswald is extremely thin: On the alleged murder weapon found under dubious circumstances, a German 7.65 mm Mauser, which later turned into 6.5 mm Manlicher Carcano rifle, the FBI could not find a handprint, the Dallas Police under irregular conditions recovered a handprint that the FBI could not find. Furthermore, Oswald is associated with the alleged murder weapon through photos, the authenticity of which is denied by himself and by experts. Unlike other perpetrators of political conviction, Oswald not only denied the crime against which he was charged, he was also apparently not on the sixth floor of the textbook warehouse at the time of the crime. A paraffin test, which was supposed to detect traces of smoke on his hands, did not convict him, nor was he formally interrogated as a suspect. He hadn't even been given a lawyer, or at least taken notes of the interrogations. Oswald was not granted a chance to refute the accusation in court.
Ferrie and Oswald
Immediately after the attack, New Orleans Attorney Jim Garrison, while checking Oswald's contacts, learned that Oswald had been seen with David Ferrie that summer. During his interrogation, Ferrie stated that he went to Houston "to ice-skate". It later emerged that although he had gone to an ice rink there, he was only seen constantly on public telephones - those that the FBI was unable to monitor. After Garrison had turned his witnesses over to the FBI, he initially closed the case in trust in the federal authorities - until years later he accused Ferrie's acquaintance Clay "Bertrand" Shaw of the conspiracy to murder Kennedy.
Ferrie had denied any acquaintance with Oswald, but a photo from 1955 shows that they both knew each other from their time in the paramilitary Civil Air Patrol, where Ferrie had trained in flying and shooting. Oswald's enthusiasm for the military had been so great that his mother had a certificate forged for him so that the only 17-year-old could join the Marine Corps.
It seems that there was a film document from early summer 1963 on which Oswald and Ferrie can be recognized together - in a training camp of the mafia-supported Cuban exiles in Lacombe on Lake Pontchartrain north of New Orleans, the existence of which had been notoriously denied until then was. The five people who can be seen on the film were identified by the HSCA examining magistrate Robert Tanenbaum: In addition to Ferrie and Oswald, Tanenbaum also recognized David Atlee Phillips, the head of the CIA office in Mexico, the KGB-Cuba rumors after Oswald's arrest Scattered, Antonio Veciana from the CIA-supported anti-Castro force "Alpha 66" - and Ferries client and ex-FBI man, gun dealer and supplier of the anti-Cuba front Guy Banister, from whose office Oswald wrote his "Fair Play For Cuba "- had sent out leaflets. When Tanenbaum wanted to show the film to the committee weeks after it was found in 1976, it had disappeared without a trace. Tanenbaum then resigned from his position as HSCA Deputy Counsel.
Evidence of the Ferrie-Oswald connection had a general tendency to disappear: when Jim Garrison tried to base his 1969 indictment against seedy businessman and ex-CIA partner Clay Shaw on Ferrie as the main witness, Ferrie was found dead.
Oswald was a dream candidate to fill the role of “useful idiot”: The impetuous youngster had been deployed to a Japanese base during his military service, from which the then top-secret U2 took off. He allegedly felt alienated from the American way of life and looked for his paradise in the Soviet Union, which made the potential keeper of secrets appear as a defector or a Russian spy. After attempting suicide, Oswald obtained Russian citizenship. The KGB had monitored the American at the time and refrained from suspicion of espionage or compulsory recruitment because Oswald had obviously been an unreliable good-for-nothing - an assessment that the FBI seemed to share when Oswald was repatriated back to the United States shortly afterwards.
Oswald also had connections with the Mafia. His mother associated with underworld figures, and his uncle, with whom he grew up, also worked for Marcello's gambling cartel. After Oswald returned to New Orleans with his young Russian wife Marina, he urgently looked for work. He was also hanging out in the training camps of the Cubans in exile, co-financed by Marcello, where he was seen with Ferrie and Banister. In public, however, he suddenly advocated the exact opposite: in the summer of 1963, Oswald founded the Dallas branch of a "Fair Play for Cuba" committee, of which he apparently remained the only member. Despite the lack of funds, he distributed an allegedly self-financed Castro-friendly leaflet and posed as a Marxist-Leninist. It came to a physical incident with Castro opponents, which appeared to an observing policeman as posed. He is said to have even tried to meet Castro. There are many indications that Oswald, under the direction of Banisters, was involved in an undercover operation in the style of COINTELPRO - or at least believed that he was.
Chameleon Oswald had contact with the Soviet Union, Cuba, the Cubans in exile, the Mafia, the CIA, military intelligence services, possibly also with the FBI - he was suitable as a projection surface for everything and nothing that could be enriched with all sorts of missing traces. He always seems to have been a hothead - not necessarily someone who seems reliable enough to commit murder. Especially not for one of the Mafia, who knew only one punishment for failures in murder assignments: death.
Although the investigations were still at the very beginning, the day after Oswald's death, Deputy Attorny General Nicholas Katzenbach issued the instruction to make Oswald appear as a sole perpetrator.
President Johnson wanted to prevent an independent committee of inquiry to investigate the attack and finally set up a political committee, which he put together himself. He entrusted the management with the controversial Chief Justice Chief Justice Earl Warren, a former functionary of the Ku Klux Klan. Warren was friends with mafia attorney Murray Chotiner, who, among other things, represented the brother of Marcello's private secretary. Hale Boggs was from Louisiana and was hired to Marcello for campaign contributions. Prosecutor Leon D. Hubert, who was known there for his reluctance towards the Marcello organization, also came from Louisiana. Senators Richard Russel and John Sherman Cooper had no interest in the murder of civil rights activist Kennedy being blamed on white racists from the south - such as the black hater and clan donor Marcello. The most zealous member turned out to be the seedy Arch-Republican Allen Dulles, who had built the CIA, which the Kennedys had tried in vain to control after the failure in the Bay of Pigs.
For an unknown reason, Chief Justice Earl Warren did not have the suspect Ruby questioned by the then Ruby specialist, but was accompanied by two investigators who were inexperienced in this regard. Both the CIA and FBI had remarkable intelligence on Ruby and Oswald, but withheld them from the Warren Commission.
Johnson had instructed the Warren Commission to avoid any outcome that weighed on the Soviet Union or Cuba in order to avoid foreign policy tension. The less motivated and quarreling committee members were enthusiastic about the option of being able to present a crazy loner with Oswald as the solution to the riddle. In this way, the case could be elegantly closed without bothering the sensitive security authorities or the mafia with annoying questions. Only Boggs later revoked his approval of the single bullet theory.
To the surprise of many New Orleans observers, the Mafia did not appear as a suspect in the Warren Report, despite Marcello's announcement of the murder in town and the Mafia's Sicilian Code calling for an equal response to the public humiliation of Marcello by Robert Kennedy. In contrast to the other Italian-American mafia bosses, who would have perceived a presidential murder as unpatriotic, there was no corresponding patriotic tradition in Francophile Louisiana, which Napoleon had once simply sold to President Thomas Jefferson and was shaped by a European mentality. For Marcello, the people from Washington were just distant paper tigers and all of them were for sale - except for the extremely wealthy Kennedys.
Did Ruby and Oswald know each other?
So now a new document has emerged that offers an alleged dialogue between Oswald and his killer Ruby, which even warns him against such a cover-up murder. The assumption that Ruby and Oswald knew each other is anything but new and is based on several testimonies in the investigations of journalist Jonathan Kwitny from 1988:
Cocktail server Esther Ann Mash, who allegedly was Ruby's lover, said she saw both of them at Ruby's "Carousel Club" on multiple occasions, as did nightclub singer Beverly Oliver and stripper Janet "Jada" Conforto. Dallas attorney Carrol Jarnigan even told the Warren Commission that they saw Ruby and Oswald at the Carousel the night before the murder and caught a discussion about a planned shooting of Senator John Connally.
Rose Cheramie, one of Jack Ruby's prostitutes, issued a two-day warning of the assassination attempt in Dallas. According to her, the New Orleans underworld put a price on Kennedy. She had previously been abandoned after a quarrel between two mafia Cuban exiles who had contact with Banister and Ferrie.
Oswald's widow Marina also told the investigative journalist Jack Anderson that she believed in a mob intrigue that was actually directed against Robert Kennedy. Oswald always spoke positively of the Kennedys, was somehow manipulated and possibly actually worked as an agent for the government. The bizarre story of military intelligence officer Richard Case Nigell, who was on Oswald to prevent him from attempting to assassinate the president, goes in a similar direction. Nigell claims to have informed FBI chief Hoover in detail about the assassination plans. Since the FBI did nothing, Nigell suspected an intrigue. In any case, he got himself a solid alibi in which he shot himself in the ceiling of a bank two days before the attack in order to be arrested.
The most notable witness to an acquaintance between Oswald and Ruby, however, was Madeleine Duncan Brown, Johnson's lover and mother of a son, who was given a will by Johnson. Brown not only knew Ruby very well from the Carousel Club, but also reported on a highly exclusive party in the home of Dallas' richest oil baron Murchison on the evening before the attack. In attendance were Vice President Johnson, right-wing financiers Murchison and H.L. Hunt among others also election loser Nixon, Senator Connally, FBI boss Hoover - and several representatives of the underworld: Marcello, his steward in Dallas Civello and the man for special tasks Ruby.
Brown reports that Johnson told her after a meeting that he would be the next president. The "sons of bitches" would never upset him again - this is not a threat, but a promise. To upset him, that is exactly what the two Kennedys had just done again, because after Johnson's current scandals, which made ties to the Mafia noticeable, the Kennedys no longer considered their vice president to be acceptable for the upcoming elections in 1964. According to Brown, an assassination attempt had been discussed in Texas since Kennedy's election.
At Murchison's party, his employee D.H. Byrd must have been present. Byrd had founded the right-wing Civil Air Patrol, where Ferrie and Oswald met. Byrd also happened to own an interesting building in Dallas: The Texas School Book Depositary. An incomplete fingerprint was found on the sixth floor, which in 1998 largely matches that of a gangster named Malcolm Wallace who frequented Murchison's. Wallace is suspected of having carried out a political murder in Texas as early as 1951, from which Johnson benefited. Wallace is also said to have been a guest at Murchison's party, according to Brown.
The party before the assassination attempt at Murchison and the presence of his long-time friend Hoover were confirmed, but not the alleged guest list. As convincing as the elderly Madeleine Brown may act in this 80-minute interview, she remained the only witness to the events at this mysterious party. Not all of the details of Brown's report stand up to scrutiny, which, however, would not have been a prerequisite for a conspiracy that was already completed in preparation.
Lyndon B. Johnson
The new President of the United States of America would undoubtedly have been a very useful ally for a necessary cover-up: Marcello ruled the sunny state of Louisiana and controlled the underworld of Dallas; His arm, in the person of the influential lobbyist Irving Davidson, also reached as far as Washington, but in order to control the mysterious "autopsy" of the president by military doctors and to efficiently block investigative agencies such as the Secret Service, the CIA and the FBI, other command structures and allies were required. There were powerful Kennedy opponents who would have preferred Johnson in particular in the Pentagon and in the American security community, such as General Lyman Louis Lemnitzer, who was deported to Europe following the proposal of the Northwoods terrorist operation. Or John J. McCloy, who had advised Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, later served as a member of the Warren Commission - and, according to Brown, had also been a guest at Murchison's exclusive party. Or General Charles Pearre Cabell, Dulles' confidante, who was relieved of his position in the CIA after the Bay of Pigs invasion. His brother Earle Cabell, then Mayor of Dallas, had been responsible for planning the route that made an unnecessary dangling along Elm Street - right past the grassy hill.
One of the first acts of Johnson's office was the revision of the withdrawal plans drawn up under Kennedy for the secret operations in Vietnam. Texan Johnson saved the ailing Texan helicopter industry through the Vietnam War, which was accelerated as a result, and also made money on war-related construction projects. Even Lyndon B. Johnson's lawyer claims that he was involved in a murder plot against Kennedy. Ex-CIA man and Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt, who was disappointed with Kennedy's Cuba policy and moved to Nixon's camp and whom some claim to have seen at Dealey Plaza, made hints on his deathbed about Johnson's involvement in the coup d'Etat.
When Johnson allegedly found out about the CIA's murder programs towards the end of his tenure, he blamed them on the Kennedys, even though, unlike Operation Mongoose, which was ordered by Robert Kennedy, these were just as arbitrary by CIA people like Richard Helms and Desmond FitzGerald could, as was the case under the Dulles era. "Kennedy was trying to get Castro, but Castro got to him first," Johnson used to comment. A diversionary maneuver?
Ruby in Dealey Plaza?
Ruby said himself was on the premises of the "Dallas Morning News" during the assassination, which was confirmed by witnesses. However, the contradicting testimony of the witness Julia Ann Mercer claims to have seen Ruby in a pickup truck with a wrapped elongated object near the grassy hill before the crime. After the crime, a relevant man was seen by a police officer on Dealey Plaza loading a wrapped, elongated object into his car immediately after the murder. The license plate number noted down by the cop belonged to Ruby.
Railroad clerk Lee Bowers had the best overview of the assassination when he told of two men behind the fence on the grassy hill, who then ran in his direction to the tracks and the parking lot. His testimony was confirmed by other witnesses who were not heard by the Warren Commission. One of them was J. C. Price, who was able to observe the scene from above. On amateur films one can clearly see how many witnesses run up the grass hill after a moment of horror, apparently to pursue the assassin.
One controversial piece of the mosaic was an examination of a photo of the witness Mary Anne Moorman, who was standing on the opposite side of the grassy hill from Bowers and who shot the president with the fence in the background shortly after the headshot. On the enlargement of this section - here a colored post-production - some want to recognize a shooter appearing like a ghost with a muzzle flash and a police badge - known since then as "Badge Man".
Critics note, however, that such a person would not have had a clear field of fire at Kennedy from this position at the time of the recording and consider him and other shadow figures to be anomalies in terms of photo technology.
The disguise of killers as police officers would correspond to an old mafia trick that Ruby's former boss Al Capone had already practiced in the massacre on Valentine's Day. Thanks to Ruby's proximity to the police, appropriate uniforms would have been the slightest obstacle to plausibly making gun bearers "invisible". This tactic would suit the people who identified themselves to the witnesses as Secret Service people, although the Secret Service, which is responsible for protecting the president, vehemently denies having placed agents on Dealay Plaza - which would be surprising enough.
From wherever the mafioso went to the Parkland Hospital, where he only lost his clearly recognizable nervousness when he could personally convince himself of the death of the dying president.
If Ruby had worked with fake or even real police officers, then it would only have been obvious to use them to remove the scapegoat, Oswald. Indeed, within an hour of the attack, something seems to have gone in that direction. What is certain is that in a certain spatial proximity to Oswald, the patrol officer Jefferson Davis Tippit was shot under unclear circumstances, whereby the witness statements contradict one another. Tippit had worked for a right-wing restaurateur on the weekends. Oswald was also blamed for this murder, although according to the paraffin test he had not fired a weapon that day. Something doesn't seem to go according to plan. In any case, Ruby, who had been operating in the background until now, didn't seem to want to afford any more unreliable staff, but took matters into his own hands.
Ruby kills Oswald
According to witnesses, in the days leading up to the Kennedy murder and the one to Oswald, Ruby received mysterious calls that visibly affected his temper. At 7:00 p.m. Ruby managed to get to the first press conference of the just imprisoned Oswald at the police headquarters, according to his own statements with a weapon. The next day he spoke to Oswald at another press conference on his “Fair Play for Cuba” committee, correctly naming his name, which only a few should have known. Now Oswald was characterized by the press as a “communist” and a Castro sympathizer - although Oswald was seen in the camps of the Cubans in exile hostile to Castro that summer. In the meantime, the Dallas police had inter alia. received an anonymous death threat against Oswald with a request not to shoot back. When Oswald was about to be moved to a safer prison, Polizeispezi Ruby regained access to the police station and shot Oswald as if on a platter without being injured during his arrest.
This process resembled a cynical standard procedure used by the Sicilian Mafia, who gave murder assignments to young scoundrels in order to then remove them to cover up themselves. Similarly, Louisiana's quasi-dictator and presidential candidate Huey Long had been killed in 1935 - allegedly by an anarchist doctor who was immediately shot by Long's bodyguards. It is unclear whether the alleged murderer Longs even had a weapon - in contrast to the bodyguards, the only witnesses.
If Ruby, as many believe, had received a murder order from the Mafia by telephone, then according to the Mafia Code he should not have refused such a murder order - a life sentence or an execution would have been the lesser evil of what he and his loved ones would have been would have expected. Ruby adhered to the Omertà, the law of silence, until shortly before his death when he offered to unpack on transfer to Washington, which seemed safer to him. In an impromptu interview, Ruby dropped the remark that if [Kennedy's Secretary of State] Adlai Stevenson had been Vice President [instead of Johnson], there would have been no Kennedy assassination attempt. Even before his act, Ruby suffered from long-term fatal colon cancer - which had been treated by Marcello's doctors. A confidante who would disappear on its own.
Under President Johnson, who had always been open to Marcello's campaign donations, the mafia remained unmolested. The honorable society became nervous again when in 1968 Robert Kennedy ran personally for president instead of Johnson. Before there was a renewed campaign against organized crime, Robert was shot in Los Angeles under still unexplained circumstances - allegedly by a confused lone perpetrator named Sirhan Bishara Sirhan, who then tried to be shot by a dubious security guard. Like Ruby, Sirhan had worked for a mobster, Mickey Cohen, who worked with Marcello's racing information service. Despite his survival, Sirhan's motive also remained unclear. Also present was the gangster Jim Braden / Eugene Hale Brading, who had previously been apprehended in Dallas after the assassination attempt in the Dal-Tex Building on Dealey Plaza and who had connections to Ruby.
Ironically, the already ailing CIA, which has repeatedly been suspected of being involved in the Kennedy assassination, is unlikely to have benefited much from the loss of the Kennedys, who were enthusiastic about espionage. On the contrary, it was widely believed that it had failed to oversee Oswald's overseas activities and was literally ignored by Johnson, a close friend of CIA rival Hoover. New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, who unsuccessfully indicted former CIA resident and businessman Clay Shaw in 1967, never investigated Marcello and his influential friends whose interests he must have known about. On the contrary, Garrison brought down numerous charges against the Mafia and found nothing wrong with getting Marcello for a cheap property or giving away weekends in Las Vegas.
Hoover, who survived eight presidents, was promoted to FBI chief for life by Johnson, which ended in mysterious circumstances in 1972.
Johnson's longtime companion, Governor Connally, became Treasury Secretary, excelled as an avid hawk of the Vietnam War, made headlines with bribery scandals, joined the Republican Party after Johnson's death in 1973, tried unsuccessfully for president with the support of far-right Strom Thurmond himself, and declared bankruptcy in 1986 .
President Nixon, who is said to have been involved in casino operations in Cuba and also liked Marcello's payroll, also posed no threat to the honorable society. On the contrary, Nixon even freed heroin smuggler Trafficante from a Swiss prison and, to the horror of the FBI, amnestied brutal mafiosi. When, after the Watergate scandal, Giancana, who had backed the wrong horse for the Mafia with Kennedy, was supposed to testify against Castro in 1976 about the conspiracy with the CIA, he was silenced by demonstratively fired shots in the face.The sawed-up body parts of Roselli, who had also become chatty, were found in a barrel. Hoffa disappeared without a trace, allegedly in a printing press. Trafficante, who uncompromisingly honored the law of silence, survived as the only CIA murder partner of the Mafia.
Oil baron Nelson Bunker Hunt financed various right-wing and Christian conservative organizations, but after nationalizing his Libyan oil fields in the 1980s, he went bankrupt and was found guilty of manipulating the silver market. According to Hoover's biographer Anthony Summers, his friend Murchison is said to have campaigned not only for Hoover and McCarthy, but also for Lincoln Rockwell, the leader of the American Nazi party. Murchison also lost his gigantic fortune, allegedly because of the lower oil price, but possibly also because two important business partners fell away: The Genoveses and the Marcellos.
In the early 1980s, when Hoover and Johnson passed away, Marcello had fallen into the trap of FBI decoys with the most complex wiretapping operation to date. Robert Kennedy's former comrades-in-arms drafted the efficient RICO laws that first became dangerous to the Mafia and smashed the nationwide syndicate. Even if some FBI investigators believed that there was enough to charge Marcello for the presidential murder, he was never touched. In prison, however, the aging mafia boss, who was now suffering from dementia, is said to have bragged about the murder to a cellmate. The gangster who was ultimately incapable of liability spent his old age in freedom. Likewise Trafficante.
Investigative committees such as the House Select Committee on Assassinations HSCA (1976) and the Assassination Records Review Board (1998) came to the conclusion that the FBI investigations personally led by Hoover, which formed the basis of the Warren Report, were and especially not pursued the possibility of conspiracy.
In mid-2007 the CIA published a top secret document produced in 1973 that summarized the most sensitive misconduct of the CIA at the time. The most pressing question for many Americans, who is really responsible for the Kennedy murder, is not addressed in the published version, but position 1 of the report known as Family Jewels has been blacked out to this day.
Even if there are many indications of an alliance of right-wing shadow men, the mafia and their figurehead "Lying" B. Johnson to get rid of their common opponent and to camouflage the coup with a multi-faceted cover-up, these are just interpretations of a puzzle in which many parts are missing - such as locked or missing files and evidence as well as witnesses who died in accidents or violence. A puzzle with such mysterious pieces as leaflets for non-existent “Fair Play for Cuba” committees, magical balls, miraculously healing corpses and letters from the dead and those to the dead. Lothar Buchholz ("Labyrinth of Truths"), who has been researching the course of events of the Kennedy murder on the basis of original documents for years, consequently refrains from drawing his own conclusions whenever possible.
How much more convenient it would be to believe instead not only in a 23-year-old weirdo who hits a moving target with the worst rifle in the world from an unfavorable firing position, despite a blocked view, but also in a compassionate pimp who is subject to the death penalty accepts in order to save Kennedy's widow an unpleasant criminal trial against the alleged presidential killer?Read comments (55 posts) https://heise.de/-3417679Report an errorPrint
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